Due to the pervasive role of the Federal govemment in the management of Nevada’s natural resources today , Indian-white relations may be frequently translated into Indian-U.S.Government relations in regard to many issues.On the other hand, because the Federal govemment does control such an overwhelming majority of Nevada’s resources, the Indian tribal governments are placed in competition against the State of Nevada for control of the balance of the resources.The following paper describes the loss in land base, the depletion of resources and the decrease of access to them experienced by the Indian peoples of Nevada and their attempts to reestablish rights to these resources.As in pre-contact time.Great Basin Indians continue to have in small groups scattered throughout the state, many on numerous Federally recognized reservations and colonies.Ties to ancestral lands have thus persisted, unbroken in time, and certain traditional practices and values are sthl key components in the maintenance of cultural integrity and social cohesion.The reservations and colonies are presently experiencing a gradual increase in growth and economic diversification.At the heart of this trend is the widespread desire for economic self-sufficiency and independence from the U.S.govemment.The form of Indiandhected economic development varies to some degree, ranging from Yomba Shoshone cattle ranching to Washo industrial parks, Moapa Paiute farming and Pyramid Lake Paiute fisheries.However varied, attempts at expanding tribal lands, establishing water rights and protecting certain food resources are central to most of these efforts.From the 1820s to 1858,vertical growers loss of natural resources and access to favored camping areas was concentrated in the immediate vicinity of two new transportation routes across northem and southern Nevada.

The traffic along these routes consisted of traders, trappers, explorers, slavers, emigrants and, in the south, Mormon colonists.By the end of the 1840s, a number of stations were established in the eastern flanks of the Sierras where emigrants could rest and graze livestock while waiting for good trans-Sierran travel conditions.Envhonmental deterioration was primary due to hunting and trappmg by the intruders and grazing and trampImg by theh mounts, pack animals, and livestock.By 1829, the beaver population was decimated and by 1845 emigrant diaries noted the general dechne of game and grasslands along the trahs.The loss of beaver not only took away a source of meat and clothing, but also disrupted hydrologic patterns affecting fish populations.A common response of native populations to these conditions during the first half of the 19th century was to withdraw from the routes and campsites frequented by the intruders.There were also, however, more vigorous responses, notably by elements of the Northern Paiute, who formed mounted raiding bands apparently operating out of eastern Oregon, and preying upon wagon trains in northwestern Nevada.In the south, by the early 1850s, following the long, devastating period of slave raids.A Mormon mission was established in Las Vegas Vahey in 1855 and by 1857 cooperative farming vihages were located in key oases, such as the Virgin Valley.During this period many Southern Paiute were forced to abandon their horticultural fields and rely more completely on a hunting and gathering way-of-hfe.Many native groups in the vast south-central section of the state, yet to be directly exposed to these intrusions or to suffer the loss of land and degradation of resources, continued to follow the traditional seasonal cycle of movement.

Discovery m the late 1850s of the famed Comstock Lode in western Nevada and of silver at Potosi Mountain in southern Nevada introduced a new era of more intensive resource conflict.The most devastating effects of the northem discoveries were felt in the Washo territory , where the new town of Virginia City attracted thousands of people, and where large-scale mining soon resulted in the loss of land, and in serious conflicts over water as well as in the disappearance of game, logging of pinyon groves, and depletion of fish in the vaheys.Mining led to the deterioration of streams, the spread of tailings over productive gathering areas and extensive cutting of pinyon-juniper woodlands for charcoal production, mine timbers, posts and fuel.Previously fertile seed areas were plowed to raise farm products and the important aboriginal fishery at Lake Tahoe was commercially exploited.Commercial fishing began at Tahoe in 1859 and by the 1880s, tons of trout were taken annually.Mining and associated ranching activities spread rapidly outward to other regions of Nevada in the 1860s, quickly disrupting traditional lifestyles on a much broader basis.Around Austin m the Reese River Valley of central Nevada, native grasses, reported abundant in 1859, were being heavily grazed by 1862.Silver ore discoveries at Mt.Irish in 1865 and Pioche in 1868 led to the establishment of Panaca as a supply center for southem Nevada.Finally, the completion of the transcontinental railroad across northern Nevada in 1869 greatly expanded the markets available to Nevada ranchers, and thus encouraged the extension of large-scale livestock grazing into the “empty” lands outside the immediate vicinity of the mining communities.During this period of white expansion, most lands claimed by ranchers under the Federal Homestead Act were choice grassy meadows watered by springs.However, since much of Nevada was unsurveyed, the homestead laws did not humediately apply and, in many areas, settlers could fence large areas and live on the land for years without holding title or any other form of legal consent by Congress.By the 1880s, huge herds grazed in northern Humboldt and Elko counties destroying native shrubs and grasses that were economically important to the Shoshone and Paiute.

Major sunflower seed areas in southern Nevada were similarly eradicated.As the mining and ranching interests expanded, the Indian peoples around the state responded in large part by forming settlements on the outskirts of mining camps, railroad towns and farming communities or by attaching themselves to particular ranches.As early as 1862, there was widespread economic dislocation.The traditional seasonal economic round, disrupted in many areas by rangeland fencing , resource depletion , and the introduction of privaty property rights, was abandoned, or at best greatly modified.Long estabilshed subsistence activities were abandoned in favor of menial wage labor.Men hauled and chopped fh-ewood, sold pine nuts and fish, hauled water, dug irrigation ditches, worked as loggers, plowed fields, bounty hunted for rabbits, or commercially hunted large game,vertical rack while women worked as laundresses, maids, and kitchen helpers.The production and use of most traditional technological items had essentially ceased by 1880.The archaeological record has yielded additional information about 19th century aboriginal ties to mining towns and mral ranches.As resource conflicts intensified, so did hosthities.The mounted Northern Paiute bands raided cattle on outlymg ranches in the Pyramid Lake area.Increased depredations by miners in 1858 led to the “Paiute Indian War” which continued for several years.U.S.Army troops established posts in Ruby Vahey in Western Shoshone territory in 1858 and at Ft.Churchih in western Nevada in 1860 for the protection of communication and transportation routes across Nevada.In 1863, a Steptoe Valley Shoshone vhlage was razed by troops responding to reported hostilities in the area.Similar violent clashes occurred in southern Nevada near Alamo in 1867 and again in 1875, leading to the abandonment of the Pahranagat Vahey by Southern Paiute.Beginning m 1865, the state legislature of the newly formed State of Nevada passed the first in a series of resolutions asking Congress for military aid to thwart Indian “depredations”.Such was the state of Indian-white relations when the first formal attempts were made to resolve the conflicts and to protect the Native Americans from further harm.The nature of these efforts varied about the state and at different times.Many actions left important issues unresolved and they thus form the background for present-day attempt by Indian communities to obtain redress for the long string of injustices suffered by their forebears.Treaties were established with several Shoshone groups across the western United States m 1863.The Ruby Valley Treaty was signed by members of a few north central Nevada Western Shoshone groups , and the Tooele Valley Treaty by members of groups residing on the Nevada-Utah border.Recent advances in the incorporation of 13C isotopes into living plant tissues allow characterization of the native plant cell wall structure at unprecedented resolution using solid-state Nuclear Magnetic Resonance.

Current efforts reveal significant diversity in the organization of plant cell wall polymers across plant species and tissue types.An updated summary of the current plant cell wall architecture is adapted from Munson et al.2022 and is presented here.How multidimensional solid-state NMR contributed to plant cell wall models is central to this narrative.The multidimensional solid state NMR denotes experiments adapted from solution state NMR thanks to Magic Angle Spinning solid state NMR.Without going into detail of spin Hamiltonians, MAS-ssNMR allows solid like samples to be spun in rotors at 54.7° to emulate isotropic tumbling of spins intrinsic to solution state NMR.This allows for coupling of static spins in a sample due to position to be removed, namely 13C-13C couplings.This is important because line shapes in solid-state NMR are determined by the spin Hamiltonian which accounts for couplings, chemical shifts, relaxation, and more rich information.In particular, many Hamiltonian terms containing go to zero when the sample is spun at the magic angle 54.7o but not all coupling terms are removed.High power 1H decoupling is necessary to achieve sufficiently narrow lines in MAS-ssNMR because samples cannot be spun sufficiently fast to cancel heteronuclear couplings with 1H.MAS-ssNMR spectra can suffer from both homogeneous line broadening and heterogeneous line broadening.NMR experiments allow for selective recoupling between spin active nuclei through bonds and through space.Introducing specific types of couplings, multidimensional NMR, and techniques highlighting dynamics of particular spins in pulsed techniques allow for vital detail of polymer structures in the plant cell wall.In this work MAS-ssNMR is simplified and used interchangeably with solid-state NMR.Solid-state NMR samples are packed into rotors and specific experiments can probe particular polymers allowing more native architecture of a sample to be observed.The secondary plant cell wall polymers can be probed with minimal sample preparations using solid-state NMR experiments thanks to 13C labeling.Molecular changes marking recalcitrance are important to find to help refine deconstruction methods and crop engineering approaches of plant biomass conversion into bio-products.Here, mechanical preprocessing is assessed for molecular markers of recalcitrance.Sorghum stems are then used to demonstrate how solid-state NMR has the potential to assess molecular changes in the secondary plant cell wall in a bio-product relevant crop.All of this work would be impossible without cost effective 13C labeling.Further discussion on how solid-state NMR to the current plant cell wall structures and relevant multidimensional solid-state NMR will be emphasized.Chemical Composition and Organization of the Secondary Plant Cell Wall Complexity and insolubility are major barriers for in situ characterization of the native plant cell wall structure.The chemical composition of the secondary plant cell wall has been primarily defined as using liquid chromatography ,mass spectrometry,solution-state NMR measurements on solvent-extracted polymers,and solid-state NMR,vibrational spectroscopy,and X-ray diffraction measurements on native plant tissues.The Secondary Plant Cell Wall: Arrangement of the World’s Naturally Abundant Polymers To help the reader appreciate the potential for polymer reorganization during preprocessing, here is an overview of the current secondary plant cell wall chemical and polymer architecture.In the general macroscopic organization interspersed cellulose fibrils provide an immobilized framework for a plant cell wall matrix containing water, soluble proteins, lignin, and hemicellulose polymers.The individual cellulose fibrils are built from linear β–glucan polymers composed of crystalline and amorphous arrangements, which differ primarily in their water content and hydrogen bonding patterns.The cellulose fibril structure described in Figure 2 is designed by knowledge of crystalline cellulose.So when D-glucose cellulose polymers hydrogen bonds form between polymers and create flat crystallite sheets, a cellulose polymer is crystalline.It is unclear whether these sheets are oriented with individual polymers with reducing ends consistently oriented;to keep the structure nondescript in this continued area of study simple sheets are presented in Figure 2.For amorphous cellulose, hydrogen bonding may not occur strictly between cellulose polymers to form a flat sheet but may introduce hydrogen bonding between D-glucose and some water.X-ray diffraction studies allows amorphous cellulose to be evaluated more generally as cellulose polymers creating deviations in crystallite sheets composing cellulose fibrils.Crystallite sheets stack with Van der Waals forces to form the microfibrils contained within the larger fibril structure.Hemicellulose includes 1-O-4 linear polysaccharides and pectin refers to heavily branched hemicellulose, common hemicellulose monomers are found in Figure 3A-E.